UW researchers have been working to change that through the first longitudinal study of LGBT older adults, called Aging with Pride: National Health, Aging, Sexuality/Gender Study. This number is expected to increase to more than five million by 2060, yet this population is critically understudied.
#New findings how to
How to change this isn’t clear (Marape in his inaugural speech mooted a change to a presidential system), but something needs to be done – as it does about the meagre political representation of women.In a first-of-its-kind study, researchers from the University of Washington’s School of Social Work have released new findings this month on the health and aging of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender older adults in the U.S.Īpproximately 2.7 million adults age 50 and older self-identify as lesbian, gay, bisexual or transgender. If you can’t remove a PM through the electoral system, MPs will try all the harder to do so through a mid-term vote of no confidence. We explained before the elections how PNG’s political system (unintentionally) embeds an incumbency bias: during the life of the parliament, MPs flock to the party of the PM, and so that party goes into the elections by far the biggest, and so will probably emerge as the biggest too, making it almost certain that it will be called on by the Governor-General under S63 of the political parties law (OLIPPAC) to form a governing coalition. Given that, Marape’s return isn’t surprising, even if the extent of his victory is.
PANGU’s (or Marape’s) strength at the elections was their ability during the last parliament to attract electorally popular MPs.įinally, this is the fourth election in a row in which the incumbent PM has been returned. In terms of new candidates, PANGU and PNC did equally well – 10 each. PANGU also attracted another 5 MPs who succeeded in running under a PANGU banner PNC only attracted 2. Compare this to PNC’s 5 out of 13, and the overall incumbency rate of 61%. The main reason PANGU did so much better in 2022 than PNC did in 2017 is that so many of PANGU’s MPs were re-elected: 24 out of 32 or 75%. Why then did PANGU do so well? PNC went into the 2017 elections with 55 members, and came out with only 29. Based on this, it seems more reasonable to conclude – as some of us have argued – that, while widespread, the electoral fraud was more locally than nationally directed. The problem with this explanation is that PANGU’s main rival, PNC, had a bigger swing than PANGU did. It is tempting to conclude that there must have been a causal relationship, and that PANGU, which went into the election as the leading party of government, engineered the electoral fraud to its advantage. There was a lot of electoral fraud and PANGU did very well. The splitting of seats helped some incumbents (as they could choose which seat they wanted to compete for), but this does seem like a change. 62% of incumbents were returned, the highest share ever, but still not very high. There was a significant increase in the incumbency rate. 16 independents were elected to the last parliament, but only 10 this time.Ħ. (See the table at the end of the article.)ĥ. So far 23 parties have been elected to the 11th parliament, compared to 20 at the start of the last parliament and 25 at the end of it. The National Alliance lost a couple of seats, or rather a couple more: it started the 10th parliament with 15 seats, ended it with 8 and went down to 6.Ĥ. The United Labour Party, on the other hand, lost out, going down from 8 to 3. It almost doubled its seats, from 6 to 11, though note this takes it to just above how it started the 10th parliament, when it had 10 seats. Of the smaller parties, the United Resources Party did really well.
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